If Joe Biden becomes the Democratic nominee against Donald Trump this fall, it will be the easiest thing ever for me to vote for him.
Still, I now join those who think Biden should not seek reelection and hope he will give himself the respect he deserves and help unite his party at next month’s convention behind a younger, more dynamic candidate who has a better chance not only of beating Trump but of serving another four years in office.
Opinion columnist
Jackie Calmus
Jackie Calmes brings a critical perspective to the national political landscape. She has decades of experience covering the White House and Congress.
I wish I could say that it was perfectly clear to me, as others have said, that a weakened president must pass the baton. But I can’t. I’m still on the fence. Biden won reelection on the strength of his impressive track record and by restoring normalcy and decency after Trump. Also, the risks inherent in the unprecedented and unknown process of the Democratic Party deciding on a replacement nominee are real. Their potential for confusion and division (all in Trump’s favor) kept me from jumping in immediately after Biden’s disastrous performance in the debates.
But two weeks later, the bigger risk seems to be that Biden stays in the race, loses, and hands the keys to the Oval Office back to someone who should never set foot in it again. “God help me,” retired Gen. John F. Kelly said of that possibility, a sentiment echoed by many former Trump aides. And a major Republican defeat could mean Democrats lose control of both houses of Congress.
That’s not the legacy Biden wants.
The president’s frozen, awkward responses and blank, open-mouthed expression during the June 27 debate were bad enough – bad enough to mask Trump’s usual litany of lies that always seem to take him out of his mind – but what infuriates me, and what has made me decide to oppose Biden’s candidacy, is the failure since then of him and his staff to fully recognize the peril they faced, that this was not “one bad night,” and to get Biden to act accordingly.
After the debate, we should have seen unscripted presidents on a daily basis, not sporadic appearances at the White House or on the campaign trail; marathon press conferences; impromptu calls to leaders and allies in Congress and state capitals; and, of course, a battery of neurological tests followed by the president’s physician explaining the results on camera and reassuring us that all was well for an 81-year-old man with the most stressful job on the planet.
Biden and his campaign finally launched such a rescue operation on Monday, with some success, but only after some elected Democrats publicly called on the president to abandon the nomination. Biden’s belated onslaught included letters to congressional Democrats (“Any weakening of resolve or lack of clarity about the agenda ahead will only help Trump and hurt us”), a call to a friendly host on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” show (“I’m not going anywhere”), meetings with black, Hispanic and progressive members of Congress, conference calls with hundreds of donors and additional campaign announcements.
But Biden has refused to undergo a neurological exam. On Friday, when ABC News’ George Stephanopoulos asked Biden if he had undergone or planned to undergo a neurological exam, Biden retorted, “Nobody’s saying I have to get tested,” and added, “I take cognitive tests every day. I’m not just running a campaign, I’m running the world.”
Just as the Biden frenzy intensified this week as Congress returned from its summer recess, world leaders also gathered in Washington for a summit marking NATO’s 75th anniversary. Senior officials’ already-growing anxiety about Trump’s possible return was heightened by his threats against NATO and Russia’s support for Ukraine in its war against the alliance, along with efforts to “counter-Trump” the organization. (One debate moment overshadowed by Biden’s outrage was Trump’s jarring response — a dismissive shrug — to Biden asking him if he would withdraw the U.S. from NATO.)
Biden may have stopped the bleeding in Congress for now. Scattered calls by Democrats for his resignation earlier this week were outnumbered by new public statements of support. But I’m not convinced because I completely agree with Biden: Democrats are at risk. Where we disagree is whether Biden can preserve our democracy by defeating Trump.
The strategists who helped elect the last two Democratic presidents, James Clinton’s mentor James Carville and David Axelrod’s mentor David Obama, no longer believe Biden can win. Writing in The New York Times on Monday, Carville suggested holding a few town halls for alternative candidates before the convention begins on August 19. (But Biden would have to drop out first, which is just one of the reasons Carville’s hopes are unrealistic.) In a CNN column on Friday, Axelrod cited post-debate polls and concluded that Biden “will be soundly defeated by a lawless and unpopular former president.”
Axelrod’s portrayal of Trump aptly captures Biden’s tragic irony: A good man, a good president, is being pushed off the stage while Republicans next week formally nominate a bad guy who was ranked by historians as the worst president. Or, as Jimmy Kimmel put it (because he can find humor where I can’t): “For almost two weeks, the media has been calling for candidates to drop out of the race, and yet, for some reason, it’s not a convicted felon who’s dropped out” (which, incidentally, is also a convicted felon of sexual abuse and financial fraud).
It’s sad to be a booster for Biden, but this election is more important than Biden. If Biden steps down, the Democratic Party can rally around Vice President Kamala Harris. Harris is the other half of the Democratic primary voters’ choice and is the only alternative to Biden who has access to Biden and Harris’ money. The delegates at the convention can choose Harris’ running mate. My choice is the wonderful Andy Beshear, who was the governor of Kentucky for two terms.
Things may get messy, but I believe the stakes will keep the Democrats together. And will they win? Polls in a hypothetical race are a game of chance. But a new, young candidate from the Democratic base could add excitement to a showdown where half the electorate is unhappy with the election results.
Of course, if Biden stays in office, I will vote for him, preparing for the worst and hoping for the best: four more years.
Jackie Calmes
